Update 2:
Sorry for responding this way rather than in the comments. I won't have a chance to plug in my laptop until Tuesday, so I can't punch through the firewall properly.Brian says in the comments:
"(1) by the second quarter of 2003, the economy would have created as many as 1.5 million fewer jobs and GDP would have been as much as 2 percent lower, and (2) by the end of 2004, the economy would have created as many as 3 million fewer jobs and real GDP would be as much as 3.5 to 4.0 percent lower."
That's a BIG boost to the economy which is likley to have been a big boost to tax revenues. To take into account the effects of the tax cuts, you have to include this extra 3.5 to 4.0% in your calculations. In other words the .7% is in addition to the boost we've alread had.
Not true. The 3.5% to 4.0% growth is classic Keynesian fiscal stimulus. It's short-term. That growth would have happened anyway, but perhaps later. You could also acheive the same effect through deficit spending rather than tax cuts. Both measures pump money into the economy.
For long-term growth you need to get people to change their behaviour, presumably in response to greater rewards for their work. That's where the .7% comes from.
I also notice that the report predicts that NOT extending the tax cuts would result in a decrease in GNP of .9% for a total difference of 1.6% between letting the cuts expire and making them permanent.
This is a misreading of the report. The .9% decrease would result if the tax cuts were extended without cutting spending. Since the deficit would then spiral out of control, a future tax increase would be needed. Thus you would be financing the near-term tax cut with a future (larger) tax increase. The net result is a .9% drop in GNP.
From near the end of the report:
If the revenue cost of that tax relief is offset by reducing future government spending, the increase in output is likely be about 0.7 percent under plausible assumptions. If, instead, the tax relief is extended only through the end of the budget window (i.e., it is temporary), the tax relief would increase national output in the short run, but long-run output would decline as future tax rates increase.
You see that both the .7% increase and .9% drop assume that the tax cuts are extended. In the first scenario the tax cuts are accompanied by a cut in spending, and are thus permanent. In the second scenario the tax cuts are financed by deficit spending, so there will need to be a larger tax increase in the future (beyond the budget window) to bring the deficit down.
Update:
I can't post comments from where I am (stuck behind the Great Firewall), so I'll respond to Richard's comment here. Richard says:
it seems there are major logical flaws in this analysis. First, is Mr. Furman associating economic growth with gov't revenues? Increased economic activity doesn't necessarily mean increased tax revenues (though it's usually the case). Second, he seems to include gov't spending in the equation somehow, which is a separate issue from whether tax cuts stimulate the economy or not.
For the first point: I'm not sure what you're getting at. The bottom line is that the total benefit of a tax cut extension, under ideal circumstances, is a .7% increase in GDP. Not .7% annually, but .7% total. This is not enough have the tax cuts pay for themselves.
For the second point: You can't omit government spending. If you cut taxes then you must finance it somehow, and this will have an effect on the economy. The report considers several scenarios, and the best case - financing the tax cut through lower spending - produces a 0.7% increase in GDP. The other options produce worse results. Considering only the tax cut without including the other side of the equation would be meaningless.
Original Post:
Some politicians, either through ignorance or outright dishonesty, continue to claim that tax cuts pay for themselves. Unfortunately the news media seem unable to call them on it. Jason Furman attempts to counter the spin-doctors and correct poor reporting of the U.S. Treasury's recent study:
Contrary to the claim that the tax cuts will have huge impacts on the economy, the Treasury study finds that even under favorable assumptions, making the tax cuts permanent would have a barely perceptible impact on the economy. Under more realistic assumptions, the Treasury study finds that the tax cuts could even hurt the economy.
[...]
Some of the reporting on the Treasury analysis has made a basic mistake. The Treasury study found that making the tax cuts permanent would increase the size of the economy over the long run — i.e., after many years — by 0.7 percent, if the tax cuts are paid for by unspecified cuts in government programs.
[...]
Several news reports, however, mistakenly said that the Treasury found that making the tax cuts permanent would lead to a 0.7 percentage point increase in the annual growth rate.
[...]
The featured results in the Treasury study are based on the assumption that government programs are cut sharply starting in 2017 in order to pay for the tax cuts. In total, government spending would have to be reduced by the equivalent of about 1.3 percent of GDP after 2017. That would be equivalent to cutting domestic discretionary spending in half. This is substantially larger than the budget cuts the President has proposed. Thus, the featured Treasury estimates are estimates of the long-term economic effects not of the tax cuts per se, but of the combination of the tax cuts that the President has proposed and unspecified, deep program cuts that he has not proposed.
The article touches upon, but doesn't directly address the issue of overall utility for the public. The potential long-term gain of .7% of GDP is not only fairly small, it must also be balanced against the utility that public loses because of the needed cuts in program spending. Citizens might well be happy to lose that .7% of GDP for the benefit of better health care or education.